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Media
release to the NZ Herald, Dominion, Press, Otago Daily Times from
Anita
Chan, Chair of the Family Law Section of the New Zealand Law Society,
responding to the debate about opening up the Family Court
The
campaign to support Muriel Newman’s Bill, which calls for the Family
Court to be opened to the media and, except in exceptional cases,
to the public, has escalated into a frenzy of dangerous misinformation
about the Family Court. The principal supporters of the Bill are
Muriel Newman herself and various men’s groups. They claim that
confidentiality of Family Court proceedings allows lawyers and judges
to perpetuate an anti-male conspiracy which victimises men and their
children. They accuse lawyers and judges of using this confidentiality
to entice unsuspecting litigants into using a system that Muriel
Newman says "brutalises" families to such an extent that people
are driven "to murder and suicide". (Dominion, "Banish this Secret
Society", 6 December 2000.)
According
to Muriel Newman, opening the Family Court to the public and the
media would expose it for the brutal system that it is and therefore
mothers and fathers would be more likely to settle their disputes
by agreement.
In
waging this campaign against the Family Court system and its judiciary,
Muriel Newman and the men’s groups rely on emotive anecdotal stories
and randomly selected statistics – and choose to ignore certain
fundamental realities.
In
her article in the New Zealand Herald of 15 February 2001, Muriel
Newman proffers opening the Family Court to the media and the public
as a cure-all for a grab bag of social ills. She claims that "strict
disclosure rules" have "shielded Family Court judges, lawyers and
case workers from accountability" and "obscured the need for institutional
reform".
It
is incorrect to claim that judges, lawyers and case workers (I presume
she means social workers) are not accountable. The decisions of
Family Court judges can be appealed to the High Court. Lawyers are
accountable to the clients who engage them and to their district
law society and the New Zealand Law Society. Social workers are
accountable to the Department of Child, Youth and Family.
Moreover,
Family Court judgments are publicly reported with appropriate protection
for the individual privacy of the litigants. Thus the legal principles
set down by Parliament and interpreted by the courts in reported
cases can be and are subject to public debate. They will come under
extensive scrutiny with the current review of the Guardianship Act,
which deals with the legal relationship between children and their
parents.
It
is the legal principles applied in Family Court cases that are important
in any debate about public scrutiny and not the private details
of the individual families involved. It is therefore wrong to contend
that opening the Family Court to the media and the public will enhance
the quality of dispute resolution. If anything, wholesale lifting
of the veil of confidentiality will undermine the court’s ability
to help resolve family disputes. The lack of privacy will deter
many from using the court when they need to, inhibit the giving
of evidence and obstruct the aims of settling disputes with the
least possible acrimony.
The
Family Law Section of the New Zealand Law Society supports wholeheartedly
publication of Family Court case statistics and believes the Department
for Courts should be resourced for this. However, this issue is
not assisted in any way by Muriel Newman’s Bill.
If
Muriel Newman is genuine about wanting to improve public scrutiny
of the Family Court, then she should be lobbying for the court to
be able to release edited (in order to protect the privacy of the
individuals involved) versions of decisions, make comments to the
media in appropriate situations and to play an educational role
so that it can make the public aware of the stance being taken on
significant issues such as violence.
I
reject Muriel Newman’s premise that opening up the Family Court
would encourage more people to opt for mediation. The Family Court
system is already specifically structured to encourage parties to
resolve their differences by agreement. Indeed it is a common complaint
of consumers that the Family Court will not hear cases until the
avenues of court-directed counselling, judge-assisted mediation
and counsel for child-assisted conciliation discussions (often involving
input from child psychologists) have been exhausted. The Family
Court does not even become involved unless and until families are
unable to reach agreement on their own.
Of
the cases for which assistance from the Family Court is requested,
about 90% are settled before they reach the stage of a final hearing.
The court is required to give judgments in only a very small percentage
of cases where agreement is unable to be reached despite the extensive
assistance provided by the Family Court system. Not surprisingly,
such cases often involve at least one intransigent party. The courts
are under a statutory duty to place the welfare of children and
not the parties as the paramount consideration. It follows that
upholding this duty will inevitably result in parties sometimes
becoming aggrieved.
The
recent attempt by a men’s group to influence the judiciary by releasing
the names of judges they deemed anti-male is a serious matter. As
Attorney-General Margaret Wilson has said (Otago Daily Times, 17
February 2001), the job of any judge is to apply the law without
fear or favour, however unpopular that decision might be. The Family
Law Section of the New Zealand Law Society has total confidence
in the integrity of the New Zealand Family Court judiciary and the
Family Court system. Judges have no interest in promoting an anti-male
attitude. On the contrary, they have a specific statutory mandate
to place the best interests of children above all other interests,
including any competing interests of mothers and fathers.
Lawyers
have no interest in protecting judges. As individuals, lawyers represent
men, women and children. Their duty in any particular case is to
represent their client to the best of their ability.
It
is notable that Muriel Newman neglected to consult the Executive
of the Family Law Section before presenting her Bill to Parliament.
MPs from both National and Labour regularly consult the Family Law
Section (which represents family lawyers in New Zealand) when formulating
policy relating to men, women and children whose lives are affected
by the Family Court.
The
Family Law Section invites Muriel Newman to consult its Executive
when she next considers proposing legislation which affects families
and in particular children. Consultation in the present case may
well have resulted in a Bill being presented which called for effective
reform of the laws affecting families and the Family Court system
rather than one based on misinformation.
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